In the interpretation of
quantifier scope, there exists a chain-oriented syntactic analysis represented by Aoun and Andrey
Li who take a
Quantifier Raising approach first proposed in May (1977) which assumes that quantified NPs should move to an A-position at LF, as they are assumed to be non-referential expressions. In the
formation of chains the original and the intermediate traces left by QR (Quantifier Raising) cause unsolvable problems. This article critically examines Aoun and Li's syntactic analysis of quantifier scope interpretations and shows that their central stipulation concerning NP-traces is contradictory with the theoretical foundation of QR, and also, QR itself is shown to be not available in syntactic interpretations of quantifier scope. Couched within the theory of feature-checking which incorporates the chain-formation algorithm , and based on the critical analysis on Kitahara (1996) , the article argues that quantified NPs should be divided into common quantified NPs and marked quantified NPs, and it proposes a new functional category QmP (projection of marked quantifiers) and a new concept zone, both of which are located in the functional domain. At LF, marked quantifiers should first move to the relevant zones and check off their marked features in QmP before they become the subject or object of the sentence.