Since 1974, the Mediterranean island of
Cyprus has been divided into two separate and distinct entities, the
internationally recognized Republic of Cyprus and the Turkish Republic of
Northern Cyprus, which is officially recognized by Turkey alone (Loizides,
2007). The northern part of the island is inhabited by Turkish Cypriots while
the Greek Cypriots occupy the south. The European Union, United Kingdom, United
States and United Nations have coined the issue “the Cyprus problem,” as both sides
(of the island) have very distinct and believable sides to the story of the
occupation. At the heart of the problem lies the third largest island in the
centre of the Mediterranean, being claimed by a variety of people, with
distinct cultures, symbols and governments
The
main problem lays in the issues of ethnic nationalism and transnationalism as the country
of Turkey is now attempting to be integrated into the European Union. The ethnic and nationalist conflicts
that have been prevalent on the island for more then three decades proves to be
an underlining deterrent as to the fate between Turkey and the European
Union. The stance that Turkey has
taken by not recognizing Cyprus as the internationally recognized Republic of
Cyprus has had negative long term affects on both the people of Turkey and the
citizens of Cyprus. Issues
concerning assimilation from both sides of the island and minority problems not
only between both sides of Cyprus but in association between Turkey and the
European Union have all caused the issue of nationalism to become prevalent
when examining the ongoing conflict revolving around the island of Cyprus and
its relationship with Turkey.
In
order to best understand why Turkey has been struggling to enter the European
Union it is vital to understand the benefits that await their nation. The
potential benefits of Turkey joining the European Union are unequivocal, as one
of Europe’s largest countries Turkey has been criticized as being too poor and
too culturally different from the other member states (Gokalp & Unsar,
2008). Turkey’s 45-year campaign to be accepted into the European Union (EU)
will gain many benefits ranging from diplomatic, psychological and
nationalistic, to economic and technological. Not only will Turkey enjoy the
vast open market of the entire economically powerful EU but also its citizens
and labor force will be able to compete for better opportunities within the
larger market. This will also create a new playing field for Turkey’s vast
international migrant worker community, as they will be able to compete for
equal pay jobs throughout Europe (8888888). With the increase of potential
opportunities, Turkey’s labor force may receive; the country will have to also
increase its levels of technical training of its citizens (Gokalp & Unsar,
2008). Through implementing these changes Turkey has the potential of begin to
be recognized as a developed country, something that its leaders have been
fighting for.
As
one of Europe’s largest Islamic countries Turkey has faced many ethnic
struggles in being recognized as an important European nation. Therefore
Turkey’s potential membership in the EU could be seen as a model for other
Islamic and developing nations. By being accepted into the union Turkey will
set a precedent by illustrating that Islam can be reconciled with modernity,
secular government, and rational economic decision making (Gokalp & Unsar,
2008).
It
is evident that the potential benefits of Turkey joining the EU are
unequivocal, however one of the key forces restricting the nations approval
into the Union, is the ongoing struggle concerning the island of Cyprus. The
island of Cyprus has been divided into two distinct entities since 1974, when a
nationalist coup backed by Athens sought to occupy the nation to mainland
Greece. Although it was short-lived, the coup initiated a Turkish invasion that
displaced what some estimates nearly 180,000 (different source have that number
ranging from 150,000 to 210,000 people) Greeks and continues to occupy the
northern third of the island. However far before the Greek, Turkish divide and
before the nation's 1960 independence, Britain's divide-and-rule tactics had
pitted the two ethnic sides against each other, and by 1963 ethnic violence had
driven tens of thousands of Turkish Cypriots into armed enclaves for
self-protection (Loizides, 2007). In many ways, the separation of the country
merely re-inscribed in a violent hand the linguistic, religious and cultural
lines that have always quietly existed between the two communities. Regardless of all these
noted difference, the Republic of Cyprus in the South (Greek’s) has never
officially recognized the legality of the self-proclaimed Turkish Republic of
North Cyprus, and instead has continually sought re-unification of both sides.
In
1974 constitutional arrangements between both sides broke down when the Turkish
Cypriot minority choose to not accept the proposed independent alignment with
Greece. The arrangements wished to establish a Greek Cypriot president with a Turkish vice president, it also sought
to create a council of ministers and house of representatives with a seven to
three split in favor of the Greek people. The Turkish Cypriots which made up
18% of the population feared that because the Greek people would control the
majority of all political offices, issues concerning taxation, and
municipalities would simply be vetoed in favor of Greek people.
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