Across 13 chapters the prominent Egyptian intellectual Dr. Galal Amin, professor of Economics
at the American University in Cairo, presents his views on what has become of Egypt, politically, economically, and socially, under the leadership of
President Hosni
Mubarak?
Short-lived optimism
At the beginning of his mandate, president Mubarak has sought to calm the political situation in the country with the various opposition groups, and a few weeks after the assassination of his predecessor (Sadat) he made the decision to release all leading political prisoners, and even welcomed them in his palace.
In February 1982, President Mubarak invited Egypt's economic elite to a conference to discuss the deteriorating economic situation in the country, a move that has raised hopes among economists that real reform is about to happen, as it coincided with the emergence of opposition newspapers, and even the government-run press was allowed a degree of freedom unknown since the 1952 revolution. But this optimism did not last long; barely a year of Mubarak's rule, and already there has been a profound cynicism about the possibility of any real reform happening in politics or the economy.
The 'Soft' State Theory
In the first chapter of the book, the author takes a critical view of the current situation in Egypt through the 'Soft' State Theory by the famous Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal; a State envisaged by Myrdal as the greatest mystery of evil, and the main reason for the persistence of poverty and underdevelopment. A State that passes laws, but do not put them into practice, not only because of loopholes therein, but because nobody in the Soft State accepts the rule of law. The flabbiness of the State encourages corruption, and the rampant corruption adds to its softness.
The author adds: "When we read what Professor Myrdal wrote in the late sixties about the Soft State, it never occurred to us that his words could apply to Egypt; at the time, Egypt was, to a large extent, a country that did not fit in with the description of the Soft State, then came the era of President Mubarak, and every passing day brings new evidence to support the softness of the State of Egypt."
The author cites a wide range of indicative examples among which were the flagrant violations of capital investment, but the majority of the founding fraudsters fled outside the country, and recently the Salem Express vessel sank and the government showed a surprising failure to rescue the passengers from drowning. Most indicative of Egypt's vulnerability happened in 1992, when an earthquake, which did not last more than 40 seconds, hit the country, revealing the proportion of buildings in violation of building practices, the derelict housing that was not restored, and the schools that have exceeded their lifespan. However, students were allowed in.
Abject poverty and abundant wealth
The author devotes an entire chapter of his book to monitor the plight of the poor in Egypt; whose ability to meet their basic needs (food, clothing, education, health and transport) has been continuously deteriorating over the last twenty years.
In the opinion of the author, the sudden wealth of some in the first years of the openness (Sadat's era) provoked laughter and ridicule, in contrast to the frustration and despair felt by the poor in the last twenty years. In recent years, the misappropriation of state funds has become the most important source of enrichment in Egypt, and, of course, the assets that are easiest to plunder are the state properties. Unjustified enrichment in Egypt did not stop over the past twenty years; the poor knew its sources, thereby increasing the sense of frustration and anger.
The President's men and men of his predecessors
The author discerns a significant and qualitative difference in the circle of men around President Mubarak compared with their peers who worked with his predecessors; the latter men were characteristically politicians who shared the president's enthusiasm for the project he undertook, or at least had the perception of the political nature of the post of minister.
The author attempts to provide an explanation of the nature of the current system of Egypt: President Mubarak has declared at the beginning of his term that he does not favor a policy of "electric shocks," undoubtedly referring to the policy of his predecessors Sadat and Abdel Nasser. He does not close the economy nor does he open it, he does not fight Israel nor does he sign new agreements with it; a key feature of the era of Mubarak. A different type of men was needed, men who share with those who worked in former times, the complete allegiance for the regime, but without much enthusiasm for politics or public affairs, and the added personal attributes of what makes the occupation of these positions trouble-free for the real policy makers at home and abroad.
Corruption from politics to culture
In the absence of a revival project, which unites everyone, and gives the opportunity for talented intellectuals to shine, little remains but the special projects that bring wealth and comfortable living. Some real talents choose to retire from active work, out of despair and frustration, while others submit to the Authority, and a large number of opportunists, wanting in talent, jump to the occupation of writers and editors' positions in the government-run press, directing meaningless, barely read, material to the holders of power.