The appearance, in increasing scale, of based popular enterprises in the free association, the cooperative work and the self
management, is today unquestionable fact in our social landscape, ademais of being a phenomenon observed in many countries, has at least one decade (Laville, 1994). These economic initiatives represent a ponderável option for the social segments of low income, strong reached for the picture of structural inoccupation and the impoverishment. Studies the respect, in different national contexts, indicate that such initiatives, of shy reaction to the loss of the work and the extreme conditions of subalternidade, are becoming into an efficient generating mechanism of work and income, for times reaching performance levels that qualify them it had remained in the market, with reasonable perspectives of survival (Nyssens, 1996; Gaiger et al., 1999). This promising picture, besides quickly carrear the support of activists, agencies endowed with social programs and public agencies, excited the interest of the scholars for the problem of the viability of these enterprises in long stated period, as well as for the nature and the meaning contained in its peculiar social traces, of socialization of the capital goods and the work. Sectors of the left, recognizing there a new expression of the historical ideals of the laboring fights and the popular movements, had started to integrate the solidary economy in its debates, its programs of social change and its strategical vision of socialist construction. Seeing it either as a field of institucional work, either a target of public politics of containment of the poverty, either still a new front of fights of strategical character, practical visões, concepts and are crossed intensely, interpellating and promoting the economy as an
alternative for... the excluded ones, the workers, a model of development compromised to the popular interests, etc. solidary; an alternative, to the deepening of the iniquities, the politics of neoliberal cut... to the proper capitalism. The question became object of intense quarrel, in which if frequency teses and categories of the economy manejam with marxist politics - stream bed of traditional navigation of the thought of the left - supporting arguments and answers of nature, over all, ideological and programmatical. In this context, the attempts of teorizar the subject, with the cares that the task requires, run the risk to be appreciated directly for its impact politician, for its effect of legitimation on the discursivas elaborations politically in confrontation, endowed with raised degree of finalismo, or important teleologic, proper ingredients of the ideologies. The fact is susceptible to occur over all with the formularizations most audacious, that associate the solidary economy to a new way of
production, not-capitalist (Tiriba, 1997; Singer, 2000; Verano, 2001), wants for the insufficient conceptual explicitação of the same ones, wants because they tend not to be seen as problematizações of the subject, or hypotheses revised, but yes as safe answers, chancelando taken of position and definitive judgments. Thus, they convém to go to devagar with the andor. Taking as an affirmative sentence, the thesis in screen possesss ample and deep consequences, therefore it decides of time with the ultimate issue concerning the alternative character of the solidary economy: the advent in a new way of production, as I will search to demonstrate, represents in limine the overcoming in the way of capitalist production and the social formations that correspond to it, the instauration of some type of society after-capitalist, whose characteristics would become historicamente predominant. Fast interpretations of this important question can, in truth, to reveal a haste to find answers tranquilizer, for its apparent effectiveness politics (to the condition, simply, that they are to the left of the dominant ideas and intend to give account of the historical totality), haste at that the groups of mediation seem to take offense themselves, disoriented with the regression of the social agenda, the bankruptcy of the models of transistion to the socialism and the lack of credíveis theories that they endorse new (or a only retouched) strategy of intervention. As it designates Jose de Souza Martins, it has years installed a crisis in the left intellectuality, for its difficulty in producing a current practical theory of and the real one of subordinate classrooms (1989: 135).